But underneath such economic worries is a comprehensive critique of President Xi's foreign policy since he assumed power in late Instead of blaming Trump solely for initiating the trade war, Xi's critics, both in society and within the party, attribute the trade war to the collapse of the foundations of U.
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Directionally, they point to Xi's abandonment of Deng Xiaoping's grand strategy of "keeping international low profile" and "shying away from leadership" as the source of China's current external woes. In hindsight, a growing consensus among Chinese elites is that the totality of these policies has fundamentally altered how the West in general, and the U. If the U. The shift in Chinese grand strategy under Xi has clarified Washington's strategic thinking about China -- and directly led to the end of its long-standing engagement policy toward Beijing.
The realization that the trade war merely presages a long-term Sino-American strategic conflict appears to have shocked Chinese political and economic elites. It has finally dawned on them that the "golden age" of Chinese development is over.
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If Sino-American relations continue to spiral downward, the "China dream" championed by Xi would turn into a geopolitical nightmare. Notably, critics of Xi refer to the famous question Deng asked four decades ago: Why have America's friends grown rich but its enemies have grown poor? Inevitably, such soul-searching about Chinese foreign policy has led to a full reexamination of Xi's domestic record.
Here his critics have also found plenty to decry.
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The overall sense is that China has regressed alarmingly since The domestic political strategy devised by Deng and continued by his immediate two successors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, has been replaced with an unusual combination of neo-Maoism and neo-Stalinism. Official ideological orthodox has been reinforced. The personality cult of the dominant leader, a lethal threat to the CCP and its elites that Deng and his colleagues tried hard to eradicate, has been revived by sycophants eager to curry favor with Xi, who has done little to discourage them. The failure to designate a successor to Xi at the 19th party congress last October and the abolition of presidential term limit at the National People's Congress NPC session last March only serve to confirm that Xi has set himself up for open-ended rule.
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In the meantime, Xi's selective anti-corruption campaign has shattered the personal security pact among the ruling elites and upended the delicate balance of power at the apex of the regime that was crucial to managing risks and avoiding catastrophic mistakes in China's one-party state. During most of the post-Mao era, the CCP has largely maintained a defensive posture to ensure its political monopoly.
It reacted only to overt challenge to its authority and allowed ever-expanding public space and personal freedom. But this trend was reversed in Censorship, repression, and surveillance have intensified. Fear has been reintroduced into Chinese society. Such criticisms of Xi's domestic policies might sound hollow if this giant political leap backward had been accompanied by significant and real progress in economic reform.
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A key rationale for concentrating power in the hands of a strongman is that this would make painful reforms possible. Sadly, this has not happened. Despite rolling out an ambitious blueprint of reform in late , Xi's administration has recorded few achievements.
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Instead, there is backsliding on several fronts. Instead of privatization, state-owned enterprises have been strengthened through mega-merges, protection of their monopoly profits, and other munificent privileges.
Massive state subsidies have been planned to supercharge a state-directed industrial policy designed to supplant the West's technological dominance. Newly imposed controls have also halted China's movement toward capital account liberalization while crackdown on tycoons has raised worries about the security of private property under a regime unchecked by the rule of law.
The potency of this litany of criticisms cannot be underestimated. If nothing else, they sound the alarm that China is headed in a disastrously wrong direction.
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But it would be premature to conclude that these criticisms have fatally weakened Xi's authority. Yet nobody should write his political obituary. Chester Alan Arthur. The American Presidents Series. September 12, Wall Street Pit. October 8, Eugene Register-Guard — via Google News. Bush's 'Nixon to China' Moment". National Ledger. The Economist.
August 28, Retrieved August 30, The Washington Post. Richard Nixon.
Senator from California — U. Representative for CA — General Services Administration Death and state funeral. Six Crises Bibliography. Senate election, California gubernatorial election, Republican Party presidential primaries, Republican National Conventions, Nixon Presidential campaign, United States presidential elections, debates Postage stamp.
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